Thursday, November 28, 2019
Speak Now by Taylor Swift free essay sample
It is no secret that 20 year old Taylor Swift is one of the most well-known and influential young women in todayââ¬â¢s time. Her catchy songs of love, high school and friendships have been heard by teenagers around the world. Just when it seemed ââ¬Å"Taylor Swiftâ⬠was beginning become a name nobody wanted to hear at an award show, the singer released her third album ââ¬Å"Speak Now,â⬠and was back at the top of the charts and sharing acceptance speeches once again. By being able to relate to the topics she sings of, much of Swiftââ¬â¢s fan base consists of high school girls who understand where the meaning behind her songs comes from. On ââ¬Å"Speak Now,â⬠which has been reviewed as both sappy and the best album she has created, Swift tells of past relationships with past boyfriends John Mayer and Taylor Lautner. As usual, she holds nothing back and states the honest truth about the men that have broken her heart. We will write a custom essay sample on Speak Now by Taylor Swift or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page While some songs on the album carry an up-beat rhythm but reveal a message that states the opposite, other songs are just express an all around depressing mood. It is hard to say that it the album can turn a bad day around, as some people claim, when many of the songs include topics that cannot be considered ââ¬Å"good.â⬠As talented and unique as Taylor Swift is, there are only four songs I personally could sit and listen to again and again. Even with that said, those four songs pass as some of Swiftââ¬â¢s most popular songs and express the simplest messages. By having numerous different views on her album however, it is no doubt that Swift will continue expressing every emotion she feels with her fans and continue topping the charts with record-breaking albums. Speak Now by Taylor Swift free essay sample Taylor Swifts new album Speak Now was released October Twenty-Fifth, where music is sold. Her new album includes 14 new songs including all the singles that were released. The album include songs like Mine, Sparks Fly, Back To December, Speak Now, Mean, Enchanted, Better Than Revenge, And Innocent, Haunted.All Of these have a story behind them, whether it is a love story, a heartbreak story, or a revenge story. All of the album are very personal, and is easily relate able to. A person of any gender who has ever been in love or not will love this album. In her album, she acknowledges what some of these songs are about like: Back to December, when she broke a beautiful boys heart in December. Mean, a mean man she used to be afraid of. Better Than revenge, about a girl who stole something of hers. And one who most people know, Innocent, about how she forgave Kayne West after taking the stage at the Vmas same years ago. We will write a custom essay sample on Speak Now by Taylor Swift or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Overall, Id give this five stars. Everyone should at least listen to it because If you have something to say and you dont, youll regret it so I think you should speak now in the words of Taylor Swift. Speak Now by Taylor Swift free essay sample Everyone knows that Taylor Swift is singer that sings how she feels. I recently bought her new album, Speak Now. I didnt know what to expect other than rhyming, real feeling words and country-pop music, which I love about her. But if you listen closely to the words, she really is communicating her feelings in a whole new way. I realize now that the tittle of album is a message to her fans. Speak now or forever hold your peace or say what you feel or you might not get a chance. All these songs are confessions to guys that have loved her or hated her. We could all learn from these deep words.Please buy this album! ðŸâ¢â
Monday, November 25, 2019
buy custom Adobe Connect for Web Meetings essay
buy custom Adobe Connect for Web Meetings essay Nowadays, the technology can extremely contribute to the dissemination of information from central locations to various places across the world with the presence of a dedicated Internet access as well as private line services. Web conferencing can only be possible if the Internet connection has a dedicated bandwidth (Song, 2010). This method of communication is easy connecting people over the Internet across the world. Therefore, web conferencing can add up to the savings of your company because of reducing travel cost and other expenses, especially when business meetings or engagements take place at a distant place (Song, 2010). In addition to reducing the companys expenses, web conferencing can make it possible for all employees to participate comfortably in the meeting. This enhances the real time data transmission and sharing of the information such that the employees can be able to complete everyday chores. With web conferencing, individuals can counteract others who lack physical participation by the use of web conferencing tools (Manning Johnson, 2011). Adobe Connect for Web Meetings Many companies have found Adobe Connect to be web conferencing solution for eLearning, webinars, and online meetings that are a choice for the leading government agencies and corporations. The basis of Adobe Connect is Adobe Flash technology, which means that you can deliver rich and quality interactions that individuals can find easier to join (Manning Johnson, 2011). Adobe connect can enable your teams to perform various tasks in an efficient manner, which will reduce the cost of production as well increase the overall productivity (Manning Johnson, 2011). This can also benefit your organization in the following ways: enable rich and highly collaborative interactions; manage content and meetings in a more effective way; ensure that all participants meet easily; meet the compliance and security requirements of your organization; optimize usage, scalability, and performance; integrate with your organizations existing systems and expand the core capabilities of Adobe Connect. Adobe Connect program includes many other features suchas: Voice over Internet Protocol (VoIP) Audio integration Screen sharing Customizable, unlimited meeting rooms Meeting recording Video conferencing Therefore, it is evident that Adobe Connect supports a variety of features that are common in Web Conferencing. For instance, Adobe Connect can support high quality videos, which will enable individuals at the destination to view clear images (Manning Johnson, 2011). Of the Web Conferencing Programs, Adobe Connect was the best program in Web Conferencing. Attached is the table of Web Conferencing Comparisons. Web Conferencing Comparison Table Program License Capacity Microsoft Windows Audio Support Video Support Desktop Sharing Support Upload PPT Adobe Connect Proprietary 1-500 Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Bankle Online Meeting Proprietary 1-200 Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Tokbox GPL and Proprietary 20-25 Yes Yes Yes No No GoMeetNow Proprietary 1-100 Yes Yes Yes Yes No Citrix GotoMeeting Proprietary 15(25) Yes Yes Yes Yes No Fuze Meeting Proprietary 100+ Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Netviewer Proprietary 1-100 Yes Yes Yes ? ? LiveOn Proprietary 1-1000 Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Glance Proprietary 100 Yes No No ? ? Buy custom Adobe Connect for Web Meetings essay
Thursday, November 21, 2019
Air Pollution and Cardiovascular Disease Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words
Air Pollution and Cardiovascular Disease - Essay Example Air is humankind's natural source of respiratory Oxygen. Its preservation may have been openly disregarded, so that the current generation has to face up to the maintenance of its life supportive feature (Goldman 1972). Unfortunately, up to this time, City dwelling is still synonymous to smog dwelling. This haze or smog is created primarily by a mixture of potential toxic chemicals like nitrates, sulfates, and particulates, formed mostly from the automobile exhausts and industrial factories emissions (Miller & Levine 2003). Australians are well aware of the long standing problems poised by these air pollutants that environmental watchers groups have been organized at a state-level. But, the private sector's enthusiasm is not usually matched by the civil servants at the local government level because its power is limited to implementation of the Federal government's policies and decisions. This is despite the fact that the initial commonwealth system has already adopted the Federal system. The bureaucracy appears to delimit after all, efforts to make lighter air pollution problems at the state level. At some other points nonetheless, government must just be cautious with the policies and decisions so as not to create a barrier for prospective business investors, as market flexibility must be maintained, as well as market share in the economic sphere. In other words, where does the Australian governmental economist stand on the latest question of cost and benefits Are there tools and principles that could clarify the issue Where does one take off in making an economic analysis of the environment Body Greening as a dilemma picks-up momentum at the point where the demand for environmental quality accelerates. Australians' demand for quality air as relative to greening was manifested in several instances, and several manners. They conveyed this need by participating in local and national debates on environmental rules and regulations (Garnaut 2008). Some created representative groups to lobby their cause among governmental or political personalities. Others patronize only organically produced products as well as products that are biodegradable despite additional cost. Still others does not mind purchasing expensive homes and living in areas distant from the busier strips of Australia for the quality environment that supports quality living. Clearly, the Australians' demand for quality air which is supportive of healthy living has developed over the years because of the twofold rationale. Foremost are the raised takings which correspondingly raised the purchasing powers of the citizens. Subsequently, the demand for goods and services expanded to some extents as to certainly demand for high quality air also. Australians value for clean air became equitable with their keenness to spend for it. Nonetheless, Australians' awareness of the consequences of human activities which are more often perilous to the air in the environs
Wednesday, November 20, 2019
Future management Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words
Future management - Essay Example The sole intention of a business is to satisfy the needs of the customers and generate profit for itself. However, one can question the apparent theoretical simplicity of the process. The answer is obvious ââ¬Ënoââ¬â¢ in terms of simplicity because the simple process of providing goods and services to the customers for generating revenue passes through various complex stages to achieve the goals and fulfil its objectives. There are several business risks, but simultaneously, there are opportunities as well. Hence, to mitigate the risks and capitalize on the opportunities, a company need to have predefined strategies or plans (Gibson and Barsade, 2003). The notion of strategy has been borrowed from the military and adapted for the use in business. In business, as in the military activities, a strategy bridges the gap between objectives of the company and tactics. Hence, it can be stated that tactics and strategy together, closes the gap between the objectives of the firm and the means of achieving it. However, the question which arises in this context is: why does a business require a strategy to operate in the market place? There are several reasons, but one of them is the changing dynamics of the marketplace. The changes in market place occur due to shifts in the external business environment such as, consumer trends, political landscape, new government regulation or a technological change. According to eminent scholars and practitioners, the business environment is always dynamic in nature and undergoes radical shifts with time (Iivari, 2005). With the great global redistribution of social and economic power, it is expected to continue over the next few decades. Moreover, due to the changes in other business factors such as, the environmental factors, political factors, economical factors, legal factors, social factors and technological factors, companies are compelled to bring changes into their system of operation in order to comply with the external environment (Janicijevic, 2012). Despite several attempts to manage the business environment by devising strategies, the attempts have been futile and it also practically seems impossible for a company to manage the business environment (Jones, 2004). This is because a certain amount of change in one of the factors leads to a drastic amount of change in other factors, due to high interconnectivity. Figure 1 (Source: Newagepublishers, 2010) According to eminent scholars such as Schawalby (2005), companies will face a hard time in the future because of the involved uncertainties. The author had also mentioned that due to the increasing intensity of competition within the industries, a company is bound to face complexities. However, the level of complexities faced by the companies will depend upon their ability to adjust themselves in the changing marketplace. An organization has to deal with changes on a daily basis as people usually do with their lives. Change is therefore regarded a s inherent in the contemporary organizations and its management is not only critical, but also at the crux of organizational development (OD). A business always has two sets of objectives namely, short term objective and long term objective. The short term objectives generally deal with the achievement of short term goals. When it comes to the formulation and achievement of long term goals, the dependence on the external envi
Monday, November 18, 2019
Assignment Two Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 1
Assignment Two - Essay Example icle on ââ¬Å"The effect of unionization on the gender earnings gap in Canadaâ⬠by Shamsuddin and University of New England (1996), women are not as organized as compared to men when it comes to joining unions. Gender variations in unions are a critical topic in Human Resource Economics because students in the management class get to understand the role that unions play in a state. The second question is on the topic of 21st century unionization rates by genders. Have the rates of men and women in Unions changed in the 21st century? Contrary to the number of women who joined unions in the 1990s, women in the 21st century are now joining unions at an increasing rate. Women in 1981 were at a rate of 31% as compared to men who were at a rate of 42% in terms of joining unions (Barry & Wilkinson, 2011). The 21st century unionization rates by genders serves as a fundamental topic in Human Resource Economic because students in a management class are in a better position to address gender differences among employees as future managers. Lastly, the other question is on unionization rates in Canada and United States. Is there enough evidence to show that the unionization rates in Canada are similar to those in the U.S? According to Barry and Wilkinson (2011), there is little research showing the possible causes of gender variations in Canada. Therefore, it is necessary to conduct more research to fully understand the gender variations in unions which are in Canada (Shamsuddin & University of New England, 1996). The unionization rates in Canada and the U.S are important in Human Resource Economics because they allow management students to understand the factors that have an impact on different countries when it comes to managing unions or different employees as future
Friday, November 15, 2019
Fitzhugh And His Defence In Cannibals All Philosophy Essay
Fitzhugh And His Defence In Cannibals All Philosophy Essay George Fitzhugh, in his defense of slavery in Cannibals All! represents a truly conservative ideology. Fitzhugh articulates the necessity of slavery as an absolute good, not merely a political reality. In doing so, Fitzhugh decries the supposed better lives of ?free labors? by attacking the notions of natural right and liberty and the belief in consent of the governed. Fitzhugh reverts to an Aristotelian view of natural inequalities ? some men are meant to be slaves and others to be masters ? and praises slavery and feudalism as a benefit for both the aristocracy and the masses. Fitzhugh represents an attack on the basic principles of modern liberalism, as well as a rejection of the new ?isms? of his day (notably socialism and abolitionism), which would lead to the abandonment of all social institutions (marriage, government, etc). Fitzhugh embraces Aristotle?s concept of the origins of government, and rejects the Lockean social contract (6-13). Fitzhugh further rejects the institutions of the North and praises the institution of slavery throughout the south. Aristotelian Fitzhugh prefers Aristotelian, classical political theory to modern, liberal political thought. Fitzhugh asserts that inequality and slavery is natural ? i.e. that aristocracy is a natural instititution. Some men are better than others; equality is a fraudulent concept. Fitzhugh rejects any notion of natural liberty, as there was no state of nature outside civil society. Hobbes, Locke and the liberal tradition are wrong ? there is no state of nature, men do not exist individually, but only in society. Government are always instituted by force, not by consent; there is no social contract. Men are by nature social, as Aristotle states, thus there is no such thing as a state of nature absent society. Thus, there is no natural right, men only exist under the rule of government and society. Government are not made by consent, as Locke claims, but by ?birth and nature?. Restrictions on liberty exist to ?preserve the human hive.? Liberty does not exist in the civil society either; men are ruled by government for ?security.? Liberty is neither attainable nor desirable (71-78). Liberty leads men to harm others just to ?be just to himself? ? but men are not selfish, but social, longing for social institutions (228). Fitzhugh affirms that man is by nature social and loves first his family, then his slaves, then his countrymen (36). Fitzhugh denies the principle of the Declaration that government ?derive their just powers from the consent of the governed.? Only the elites were consulted in forming the government ? all governments are instituted by force and continued by force. Good republics are governed by a small group of elites ? much as the southern states are governed. Only a limited few in North are truly granted consent ? consent government is the equal of anarchy (243-246). Slavery Good Following Aristotelian and classical premises, certain men are by nature superior ? they are meant to rule and be masters. The mass of men are meant to be slaves. Any notion of equality is false, men are not by nature equal, some men have genius while most men mediocre. This is certainly true when comparing whites to Negroes, or when comparing laborers to capitalists. The purpose of society is to provide not liberty, which ensures the destruction of men in a Hobbesian state of war, but to provide security to men, which demands a state of slaver. Only a handful of men are meant to rule; the notion of self-government has been tossed out the window ? the masses are not fit to rule, or even to be consulted as to rule. Men of genius are fit to command, the masses are meant for imitation and slavery; mediocrity must be ?chained down?. ?Liberty for the few, slavery for the masses? (63). Elites should rule, and impose strict restrictions on liberty for the protection of society. Elites certainly possess liberty ? the liberty to govern men to provide for their best interests. The ruling class takes upon themselves the making of all decisions as to the best interest of the people. Men have a natural right to be ?taken care of and protected? ? i.e. to be slaves. Only one man in twenty is fit ?for liberty and command? (67-69) It is the duty of society to protect the weak; thus it is the duty of society to enslave the weak. Blacks are weak because they lack the means to support themselves in infirmity, and that they lack the wits and abilities to survive in free competition (187). Liberty is a terrible thing for blacks; they must be protected by the institution of slavery. The competitive, individualistic state of nature a state of war and the masses are not fit for competition. Inferior men must be protected by elites, this can only be done when they submit all their ?liberty? to masters ? that is, submit to slavery. Scripture supports slavery, recognizing that slavery is ?promotive of men?s happiness and well-being?, and instills morality (30). Slavery is a police institution, protecting slaves from the tyranny of husbands and parents. The Bible defends the institution of white slavery, thus it must be either untrue, or else slavery is an absolute good and not a violation of natural liberty (if such a th ing even exists). Fitzhugh supports the notion that slavery is an absolute good. Slavery serves to make men moral and intelligent, and is preserved by a love of the slave for his master and the master for his slave. Slavery promotes the good of the slaves, because masters love their slaves as they love their families; whereas there is no such attachment among laborers and capitalists (200-206). A society based upon slavery is necessary to protect men from a Hobbesian ?war of all against all?; liberty is undesirable as it will bring harm to the weak (218-19). Slavery serves the best interest of the slaves ? a society based on liberty and competition would overwhelm them, much worse than a kind, loving master would. Elite masters will protect, teach, and ensure the morals of the masses. Poor better off in Aristocracy/Feudalism than Liberalism Fitzhugh teaches that the feudal state was superior to the modern state in protecting the interests of the masses ? i.e. the poor. He believes Southern society is akin to the feudal society, and thus superior to the Northern way of doing things. The Reformation, in trying to grant liberty to the mass, in reality harmed the poor. The institutions of aristocracy, feudalism, and church power over land protected the poor and provided them ?true liberty.? By attacking these institutions, the reformers ?impaired the moral, spiritual, and physical well-being? of the masses (107). ?There was no pauperism in Europe until feudal slavery was abolished? (210). Feudal lords protected their serfs and provided for their needs. In the modern state, competition leads to nothing but the oppression of the weak by the strong. The rise of modern science teaches that men have a right to private judgment; this leads to the concept of human individuality and to the notion of a social contract. Doctrines of Laissez-Faire, free speech and press, human equality, and liberty of action descend from this notion. This philosophy results in ?the supreme sovereignty of the individual, and the abnegation of government? (53). All power is deferred from govern ment to individual men; given Fitzhugh?s view of natural elites, it is his contention that the few will dominated, and destroy, the many. Fitzhugh decries the abolitionist movement as in favor of abolishing all institutions, not just slavery, in favor of individual rule. Abolitionism mean the abolition of government, of marriage, of family, of church, and of property (85). It is this characterization of abolitionism that demonstrates ?the failure of free society?, thus free institutions, liberty under law, does nothing to promote the public good (99-100). The right of private judgment leads to the institution of ?no government (132). ?All modern philosophy converges to a single point ? the overthrow of all government? (190). Liberty demands the end of private property; the socialists recognize that this is the logical end to modern liberalism ? they are either right, and all must be abolished, or liberalism is wrong and liberty is undesirable (222). Fitzhugh, as stated previously, believes the latter; liberty is destructive of security for the masses. Only elites should be granted liberty ? the liberty to rule over and enslave the masses in order to protect them. Comparison of North and South Having demonstrated that modern liberalism is based on flawed logic, and that slavery is an absolute good, Fitzhugh seeks to demonstrate that Southern institutions are superior to Northern capitalism. In the South, slaves are well provided for by kindly, loving masters, while in the North, wage labor is treated appallingly by wealthy elites. That is, he has first attacked the ideology behind Northern thought, and is now attacking the institutions of the North, in defense of Southern slavery. Southern slavery is superior to Northern capitalism. Slaves ?keep more of the products of their labor? than wage laborers; and slave masters care for the needs of slaves far beyond what capitalist ever would do. White ?slave-holding? is characterized by making others work for you, and paying as little as possible; while Southern slave masters work ?as hard as their slaves.? Negro slaves are happier and freer than wage-laborers; northern whites are slaves to money, their liberty limited by their need for wages. The northern capitalist views ill treatment of labor as a ?moral good? and thus cannibalism is the name of the game. Slave masters do not enjoy the luxury of northern capitalists; they must labor with their slaves to preserve their estates. Slave masters protect and improve the conditions of the slaves, by ?enforcing morality? and educating them by merely being around them (15-30). Men are happier in slave states than in the North; they are well cared for and not starving (234) . Fitzhugh?s contention is that Southern slave masters must work to maintain their estates; as slaves are part of their household, their interests lie in the protection and well being of slaves. The natural relationship of master and slave is similar to that of the family, masters are loving toward their slaves ? which is evident in the kindness of Southern slave masters. Northern capitalists desire nothing but to profit by the exploitation of laborers. Southern slave masters exhibit kindness for the slaves, educate them and teach them morals, and protect them as any natural aristocrat would. Fitzhugh?s analysis of the Southern slave holder, or of Northern capitalism, may not be an accurate portrayal of 19th century life, but it is based more on political theory than on current events. Fitzhugh maintains than natural aristocrats, elites blessed with superior wisdom and abilities, must govern the mass of men for their own protection. Self-government and liberty harm the masses and undermine security; liberty is reserved for the elites, aristocratic institutions are superior to democratic. Slavery is justified, not as a necessary evil, but an absolute good, as slavery allows masters to protect and provide for the well-being of slaves. Northern capitalism, based on liberal traditions, exploits the masses, and has failed. The only progress for liberalism is, as socialists and abolitionists advocate, the destruction of government, property, family, and all institutions ? which will only lead to greater oppression. The only solution is slavery ? allowing elites to rule over sla ves. This serves in sharp contrast to Lincoln, who holds the Declaration and the principles of Locke and the founding fathers as absolutely good. Slavery is evil in that it denies equality and liberty to all men. Slavery has been tolerated only as a necessary evil. Freedom is always preferable to freedom, regardless of intellectual ability. Lincoln Abraham Lincoln?s speeches and public documents can best be characterized by two key tendencies. First, Lincoln, in the wake of radicals (such as Fitzhugh) in the South and in the North in abolitionists, takes a position that is both moderate, and based on pragmatic concerns. Second, and building upon his pragmatism, Lincoln points to the principles of the founding fathers, i.e. the spirit of the Declaration of Independence, and the supremacy of the Constitution in justifying his positions. Lincoln?s proposed limits on the expansion of slavery into territories is a moderate position; based on his resistance to abolition ? both for practical reasons and because of the views of the founders, and his view that slavery is a wrong ? based on the principle of equality and natural right espoused in the Declaration. Lincoln?s approach to the slavery issue, and the preservation of the Union, demonstrate his belief in moderate, gradual, and legal approaches to the problems, as well as his utmost commitment to the ideals of the framers of the Constitution. Spirit of Founders ? Liberty and Equality Lincoln believes that the US is a truly great experiment that will demonstrate that a people can govern themselves. To demonstrate the success of such principles, the Union must be preserved. (Address to Young Men?s Lyceum, 1838). Slavery undermines the example of the notion of self-government, denying the republicanism of US institutions to a substantial proportion of the population. Both enemies of free institutions and true advocates of freedom will point to the US example as hypocritical (Speech on Kansas-Nebraska Act, 1854). No founding father denied that the Negro was to be included in the Declaration of Independence. ?Inferior races? are equal in regard to natural rights (Fifth Lincoln Douglas Debate, 1858). Lincoln believes strongly that the privileges of government, and the notion of self-government should be extended to all who pay taxes or serve ? i.e. all white men and women (Letter to the Sangamo Journal, 1836). Lincoln mocks the view of Stephen Douglas and other Democrats on their notion of self-government. Lincoln claims self-government is the right of the people to govern themselves while characterizing Douglas? view of self-government as the right of a man to enslave another without interference. Thus, popular sovereignty becomes ?the right of people to govern niggers? (?House Divided? Speech, 1857; Speech at Edwardsville, IL, 1858). Liberty refers to the right of each man to do with his body and the products of his labor what he will (Lockean and Jeffersonian principles), not the right ?for some men to do as they please with other men, and the product of other men?s labor? (Address at Sanitary Fair, 1864). Lincoln reaffirms the notion of the natural rights over life, liberty, and property, and attacks the premise that men should naturally rule over other men ? equating this feudal, classical notion with Douglas and the Democrats. Slavery, for Lincoln, is an absolute wrong, not such more in the moral terms of abolitionists, but in the principles of the founders. Slavery violates the principle of civil liberty of the Declaration. Lincoln maintains that there is no moral right for one man to enslave another (Speech on Kansas-Nebraska Act, 1854). The founders, and the spirit of the Declaration, abhorred slavery as an institution, but accepted in as a necessity. Lincoln attacks the view that slavery is right in principle. He contrasts, in opposition to Fitzhugh, northern laborers and slaves: northern laborers may work for wage one year, may work for themselves another, and may hire others to work for him in another. Northern laborers are free to choose their occupation, to acquire wealth, and to improve their condition. Slaves are denied this liberty. (Speech at Kalamazoo Michigan, 1856). While Lincoln denied that Negroes were equal in intellect and moral attributes to whites, he rigorously defends their equality of rights. Lincoln defends the natural right of blacks, and specifically, their right to ?life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness? as written in the Declaration (Speech on the Dred Scott Decision, 1857). ?There is no reason in the world why the Negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness (First Lincoln Douglas Debate, 1858). Lincoln holds that slavery is not ?better than freedom? and that government was created to secure the blessing of freedom ? for all men (Speech at Edwardsville, IL, 1858). The Declaration and Constitution, while securing property rights, suppose ?superior devotion to personal rights.? Individual liberty trumps property rights ? the right of a man to be free is greater than the right of a man to hold another man as property (Letter to Henry Pierce and Others, 1859). For Lincoln, the founders held the principles of liberty and equality dear, and applied them to all men. Slavery undermines these principles, and was only tolerated for the necessity of the institution in Southern states; the founders intended for the containment, and eventual, gradual extermination of slavery. These principles of the American founding provide the ultimate example for the world of a nation built on liberty and self-government. Should the American experiment fail, the cause of freedom would suffer a great setback. Thus, from his exemplifying the ideal of the founders, Lincoln derives his approach to the slavery issue and the view of the importance of the preservation of the Union. Moderation of approach Lincoln?s approach to issues, while building on the ideological background of the founders, is strictly pragmatic. Lincoln still maintains that slavery is a necessary evil, and believes that only moderate approaches, not radical change will be effective. Slavery can only be abolished gradually, and can only be limited from expansion at present. Moderation is necessary to preserve the Union. Lincoln responds to radicals from both the South, but particularly the North (see for instance Thoreau and Emerson), that government serves the purpose both of redressing wrongs, and providing public goods. That is government serves needs that individual persons cannot provide for themselves, but not more than that; ?that if all men were just, there would still be some, though not so much, need of government? (Fragment on Government, 1854?). The rule of law is a consistent theme in Lincoln?s writings. When the law is ignored, and people lose attachment to government, civil society breaks down. Lincoln denounces mob rule and articulates the view that the ?sober judgment of courts? should govern. Bad laws do exist, and should be repealed, but until they are, they must be respected. Rule of mobs is detrimental to society and will tear apart any government (Address to Young Men?s Lyceum, 1838). His approach to slavery is constrained by law ? using ?every constitutional method? to prevent the spread of slavery. (Speech at Edwardsville, IL, 1858). Lincoln?s view on the Dred Scott decision demonstrates this view ? he claims not to resist the decision, but that the decision has not become ?settled? as precedent yet (Speech on the Dred Scott Decision, 1857). Lincoln does not hold the Dred Scott decision to be binding, or ?the word of the Lord?, but that it may yet be reversed.? His approach to the Dred Scott case is to acknowledg e it as law, but to attempt through legal means, to reverse it and reduce its applicability to other cases (First Lincoln Douglas Debate, 1858). Approach to Slavery Lincoln?s positions on the current laws and the Dred Scott ruling demonstrate his commitment to the spirit of the Founding and his moderate, pragmatic approach. Lincoln advocates neither the immediate abolition of slavery (prior to the war), nor resistance to the interpretation of the court ? but only to attempt to change the law through political solutions. Lincoln?s approach to slavery concurs with the abolitionists on some points, but with the Southern interests on others. Lincoln supports the Fugitive Slave Law and opposed abolition of slavery in Southern states (prior to the Civil War), but opposes the extension of slavery in US territories. In this approach, he acknowledges the necessity of preserving slavery: slavery has been introduced in the South, and the Southern states are dependent upon it, slavery is a necessary evil. Likewise, Lincoln points to the founders in his position: the founders acknowledged the necessity of slavery, but wished for its gradual extinction. The founders, like Lincoln, could not immediately eliminate the practice of slavery where it existed (the South) but attempted to limit it to where it currently was, banning the African Slave trade and opposing the extension to new territories. Thus, slavery was tolerated, but only in that it was necessary, and ultimately, wrong (Speech on Kansas-Nebraska Act, 185 4). Slavery is viewed by Southerners in terms of dollars and cents, the institution is justified only as what it means for their economy (Speech at Kalamazoo Michigan, 1856). Lincoln believes he cannot, under the constitution, nor should not for pragmatic reasons, interfere with slavery in Southern states (First Lincoln Douglas Debate, 1858). Lincoln?s singular tool for opposition of the extension of slavery is for Congress to prohibit slavery in all the US Territories . Thus, the territories, when applying for statehood, may choose whether to permit slavery, without being corrupted and dependent upon slavery. Likewise, in the District of Columbia, slavery should only be abolished gradually, with the majority of the residents consenting, and with compensation for owners (Second Lincoln Douglas Debate, 1858). Though the federal government has the prerogative to prevent the extension of slavery into federal territories, the institution of slavery within the states of the south remains a state issue (Address at Cooper Institute, 1860). Similarly, Lincoln does not support Negro citizenship ? i.e. allowing blacks to vote, serve on juries, etc, but merely the n atural rights (as opposed to civil rights) that the Declaration declares for all men (Fourth Lincoln Douglas Debate, 1858). Lincoln believes that abolition of slavery will occur slowly, and only at the prerogative of states. During the Civil War, Lincoln advocates for the plans to abolition slavery in the border states, but only gradually, with compensation for slave holders, and at the direction of the states (Message to Congress, 1862; Appeal for Compensated Emancipation, 1862; Annual Message to Congress, 1862). Lincoln believes the founders view has been abandoned; the founders held a principle of ?the equality of all men?, and began ?practical progress toward the equality of all men.? The view of all men as equal had been replace by the view that ?all states are equal?. (Speech at a Republican Banquet in Chicago, 1856). The alteration of laws since the founding, and particularly the Dred Scott decision, have continued to restrict the rights of blacks. Freed slaves have lost the right to vote they once had in several states, and constraints on emancipation of slave owners have made continual bondage almost unalterable. ?Our Declaration of Independence ? is assailed, and sneered at, and construed, and hawked at, and torn, till, if its framers could rise from their graves, they could not recognize it at all? (Speech on the Dred Scott Decision, 1857). Lincoln?s fear is that a ?second Dred Scott decision? will declare that slavery cannot be banned by any state. This fear is based on the nature of the Dred Scott ruling: that the right of property in a slave is affirmed in the Constitution, and that no laws may destroy the right of property in a slave. If these two premises are true, then states cannot ban slavery within their limits without violating the Constitution. However, Lincoln holds that these premises are false: that the Constitution does not affirm the right of property in a slave; as demonstrated above, Lincoln holds that the framers permitted slavery only as a necessity where it was already long-established. Lincoln?s approach to this disagreement with the court was political ? the ?second Dred Scott? decision will never occur if the Republican Party is elected, but will certainly occur if the Democrats retain power. Thus via election, the Republicans can affect the makeup of the court and maintain the vision of the foun ders (Fifth Lincoln Douglas Debate, 1858). Thus, in his approach to the Slavery issue, Lincoln reaffirms his commitment to the intent of the founders, as well as the moderation of his approach, consistent within legal bounds and pragmatic concerns. Preservation of the Union While Lincoln maintains that he has no desire to interfere with slavery in Southern states, he does mandate the use of force to preserve the Union. The Union of the United States is ?perpetual?. No government ever has in its law a means for its extermination. The Constitution serves to make a ?more perfect union?; secession of states is inconsistent with the Constitution. The minority has no right to secede from the government, or else the government serves no real purpose, and can never be maintained ? it devolves to anarchy. Lincoln maintains that the laws of the Union must be executed throughout the States, thus justifying the use of force to execute the laws (First Inaugural Address, 1861). States have status only ?in the Union?, not as separate institutions. There exists no principal by which the states may secede from the Union. States remain part of the United States, and thus it the duty of the federal government to uphold the law and ?republican form of government? within the states? (Special Message to Congress, 1861). Lincoln articulates the need for war based upon these principles of preserving the union. The importance of a perpetual, democratic nation is the crux of his justification of military action. The Civil War is to ensure ?that government of the people, by the people, and for the people shall not perish from the earth? (Gettysburg Address, 1863). ?The nation is worth fighting for, to preserve such an inestimable jewel? (Speech to 166th Ohio Regiment, 1864). Thus Lincoln reverts to the importance of the principles of liberty, equality, and self-government of the founding, and the importance of the continuation of the democratic experiment. Lincoln?s wartime approach to slavery continues his tendency toward the founding principles and toward moderation. He proposes first that slavery, as a necessary evil, be abolished only gradually (at one point stating over 37 years), with compensation, and at the direction of states (Message to Congress, 1862; Appeal for Compensated Emancipation, 1862; Annual Message to Congress, 1862). His Emancipation Proclamation abolishes slavery only in areas that are in rebellion against the Union ? thus serving military goals of winning the war more than a goal of immediate abolition. Lincoln later support a Constitutional Amendment prohibiting slavery as, in his view, the only way to ensure the continual preservation of the United States is to eliminate the cause for civil war. Thus, sudden elimination of slavery serves the pragmatic concern of preservation of the Union (Reply to Committee of National Union Convention, 1864; Proclamation Concerning Reconstruction; 1864). Like he pre-presidency stance on slavery, Lincoln?s desire to preserve the Union and his actions during the Civil War demonstrate his commitment to the founders? principles of liberty, equality, and republican government as well as his pragmatism. The Union is worth fighting for, as the principles of the founders must endure in a ?perfect.? Lincoln?s actions toward slavery reflect his belief in the validity of the Constitution and his pragmatism. Initially indicating the desire for gradual abolition of slavery in border states, and at state prerogative demonstrate his belief in the limits of the Constitution and the consistency of moderation in his proposal; mirroring the pragmatic approach of the Emancipation Proclamation. His eventual belief that slavery must be exterminated nationally only evolves from his commitment to the preservation of the union, and the pragmatic belief that the Union can only ensure its perpetuality if slavery, and the conflict surrounding it, is ended for a ll time.
Wednesday, November 13, 2019
Nazi Play :: essays research papers
Brandon-Hi, my brother Frank and I are about to tell you, about the walk home from school that ended our lives. Chris- Fivel and I were upset with each other the day of October 15, 1939. We pouted at each other the whole way to school. We usually got along. But that day we weren't. The school day was fine until the princeable interrupted our class and turned on the radio. It was one of Hitlers ridiculous speeches. We didn't really know what Hitler was up to this time. Brandon- So we ignored it. Little did we know it was about the invasion of our town to round up all the jews. That morning was the last we saw of our parents. They had their own steel mill, and that was the first target for the NAZI's. Besides this we attended Tillberg private school and grew up in Fankvurg Germany. We where pretty wealthy. Chris- Fivel quite babaling on lets get to the story. We started home from school that evening.We saw big green trucks next to the steel-mill so we stopped walking. We thought it was the supply truck until we saw soldiers with guns in hand. We took a look around and then Fivel through me into the woods. I remember him saying Oh god its the NAZI's. Brandon- We saw genocide right before our eyes. Houses were burnt down and people were killed. IT was terrible. We couldn't go any where or if the NAZI's saw us we would be killed. We slept in the ditch culvert in the woods.We woke up to see body piled up. The town was destroyed. The Nazis where still there. Chris- The only thing we ate was dry leaves, grass, and bark. We knew we couldn't live for much longer. Fivel lost all feelings in his legs. Brandon- With feelings in my legs gone I couldn't do much. Then reality hit. We saw the SS coming up the street with search dogs. They must have been fifty feet away when they saw us. We knew we were dead. Chris- The dog bit Fivel once and I got beat by the soldier. He cussed at us many times. We where drug to a lieutenant. And we where in pure shock. My nose was crushed and bleeding non stop. Fivel's leg was torn apart like he was a dogs chew toy. Brandon- The lieutenant looked at us lying there and one word came from his mouth: Trash.
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